Until
1918, with the dissolution of the Habsburg Empire, Slovakia had
formed part of Hungary.
It was then merged with the Czech crown lands of Bohemia and Moravia and another former
province of Hungary, Subcarpathian Ruthenia, to create the fledgling state of Czechoslovakia.
The one-time imperial town of
Pressburg, re-named
Bratislava, became the principal city of the
province and was eventually to become the capital of the independent state of Slovakia.
In
1886, Father
Andreas (Andrej) Hlinka,
a Catholic priest
founded the clerical People’s Party in Slovakia on an anti-liberal and anti-Semitic platform.
Always seeking autonomy, Slovak nationalists looked on with admiration at the growth of fascist
regimes in post WW1 Europe. By
1924, a paramilitary organisation, Rodobrana,
the forerunner of the
Hlinka Guard, had already been established. There had been a Jewish presence in Slovakia since at
least the
12th century, and by
1930 a census revealed 136,737
Slovakian Jews, or 4.1% of the overall
population. It has been estimated that at that time, around 50% of the doctors and 60% of the
lawyers in Slovakia were Jewish.
As the economic crisis of the
1930's worsened, the nationalist press launched a
campaign against Jewish capital
and members of the liberal professions. The People’s Party was especially vociferous in this regard. The aggressive
policy of the Sudeten Germans ultimately led to the
Munich agreement of
30 September 1938 and the
ceding of vital
regions of Czechoslovakia to the
Reich. On
6 October 1938, Slovakia was
declared an autonomous region. The
Vienna Award of
2 November 1938 annexed parts
of Slovakia and Subcarpathian Ruthenia to Hungary. Czechoslovakia
was doomed; it had lost 30% of its territory, 33% of its population and 40% of its national income.
|
Hlinka Guard * |
The parliament in
Bratislava proclaimed Slovakia independent on
14 March 1939. The next day, German troops
occupied the rest of Bohemia and Moravia, declaring it a Protectorate, and Hungary seized the remnants
of Subcarpathian Ruthenia. Little more than 20 years after its creation, Czechoslovakia had ceased to exist.
With the loss of territory to Hungary, the census of
15 December 1938 revealed
that the Jewish inhabitants
of Slovakia had decreased in number to 88,951, or 3.3% of the population. Slovakia fell under the control
of a one-party totalitarian regime, the Slovak People’s Party of Hlinka, commonly known as the Ludaks,
under the leadership of the Catholic priest,
Jozef Tiso. Catholic clergy were
to play a dominant role in future Slovakian politics – 16 of the 63 Members of Parliament were priests. The
government immediately aligned itself with Nazi Germany, signing a Treaty of Protection which effectively
permitted Germany to interfere in Slovak internal affairs and to dictate Slovak foreign policy. Soon after
the proclamation of independence, the Hlinka Guard, a paramilitary body similar in character to the SS,
had begun terrorizing and killing Jews.
|
Mach * |
Anti-Jewish legislation was rapidly introduced. At a conference in
Salzburg on
28 July 1940, attended by
Hitler and the Slovak leaders
Tiso (President),
Vojtech Tuka
(Prime Minister),
Alexander Mach (head of the Hlinka Guard, later to
become Minister of the Interior) and
Franz Karmasin (leader of the
German minority in Slovakia), it was resolved to set up a National Socialist regime in Slovakia, with an
increased and more systematic policy of anti-Semitism. In
August 1940,
Dieter Wisliceny was sent to Slovakia as an adviser on Jewish affairs.
Shortly after the invasion of the Soviet Union on
22 June 1941, Slovakia entered
WW2 as an ally of Germany.
At the same time, even more stringent anti-Jewish laws were introduced in Slovakia itself. This process of
identifying and isolating the Jews culminated with the implementation of the so-called "Jewish Code" on
9 September 1941. Jews had to wear a yellow armband bearing a Star of David.
The star had even to be
affixed to every letter sent by a Jew. The police were empowered to open such letters and destroy them.
Based closely upon the
Nuremberg Laws, the legislation imposed a host of restrictions on Slovak Jews,
including a ban on intermarriage. In
October 1941,
Mach
ordered the removal of 15,000 Jews from
Bratislava, and by
March 1942, 6,700 had been settled in
Trnava, Nitra and Eastern Slovakia or were incarcerated in labour camps.
The Slovak government enthusiastically embraced the idea of deporting their Jews. In
June 1940 they had promised to
supply Germany with 120,000 workers. By
October 1941 there were actually 80,000
Slovak workers in Germany. At that
point, the Slovak government offered to substitute 10,000-20,000 Slovak Jews in place of the missing promised workers.
At first the Germans did not respond to the offer, but shortly after the "Wannsee Conference" on
20 January 1942,
Tuka negotiated the terms of an agreement whereby the Slovak government
would pay Germany 500
Reichsmark for every deported Jew. For their part, the Germans agreed that the Jews
would not be returned to Slovakia and that Germany would make no claims on the property abandoned by the Jews.
The initial agreement had been for "20,000 young, strong Jews", but before their deportation had even started,
Himmler proposed that Slovakia be made free of Jews. The Slovak
government readily agreed. An intensive propaganda campaign was launched against the Jews. The newspaper
Grenzbote" published articles praising the facilities and conditions of the
Lublin region, for where so
many deported Jews were destined.
|
Registration in Zilina * |
|
Deportation from Slovakia * |
The deportations began on
25 March 1942. Jews were assembled at the
Patronka in
Bratislava, an
abandoned factory that was rented by the
Bratislava Jewish Community to provide temporary accommodation
for homeless Jews. The Slovak government established a transit camp at
Zilina in the northwest of the country:
many thousands of Jews passed through this "anteroom to hell" on their journey to the death camps in Poland.
By
20 October 1942, 58,645 Jews had been deported in 57 transports from the
Patronka’s railroad siding and
other places in Slovakia such as transit camps in
Zilina, Novaky, Michalovce, Sered, Poprad and
Spisska Nova Ves.
Of the deportees, 2,482 were children aged four or under, and 4,581 children between the ages of four and ten.
19 trains, containing 18,746 Jews were sent to
Auschwitz. 36 transports were officially sent to
Naleczow, a station
20 km west of
Lublin. Most of the transports arrived in
Lublin, where young men were selected for work at
Majdanek concentration camp and other people from the transports, mainly women
with children and old people,
were sent to transit ghettos. 2 transports with 2,052 Jews were directed to the transit camp at
Izbica; from there
they were sent to to
Belzec and gassed. 8,000 of the deportees, mainly younger men, went to
Majdanek, from
where 1,400 were subsequently transported to
Auschwitz. Among them was
Rudolf Vrba (Walter Rosenberg)
who escaped from
Auschwitz-Birkenau in
1944.
Vrba had
been deported from
Novaky on
14 June 1942. On arrival at
Lublin on
16 June he, together with all
males between the ages of 16-45, was selected for
Majdanek, where he stayed until
27 June 1942
before being transferred to
Auschwitz. In his memoirs,
Vrba recalled how, in a cattle wagon with 80 other deportees being
transported to Poland:
|
Vrba * |
"
They were all imprisoned mentally by unanswerable questions. How had it
happened? Why had it happened?
What was going to happen to them and to those they had left behind? And, of course, where were they going?
Snatched from civilization, yet still attached to it by the umbilical cord of domesticity, they worried, too,
about trifles. Had they turned the gas off at the mains? Had they locked the back door? Had they remembered
to cancel the milk and the newspapers?"
One of
Vrba’s fellow deportees,
Izak Moskovic foretold their future:
"
You’re fools, if you think you’re going to resettlement areas. We are all going
to die! Soon, in fact, he was forgotten, though later his words were remembered."
The young Slovakian Jews incarcerated in
Majdanek provided the group of prisoners who basically built the
concentration camp.
In
1942 they were to become the largest single national
group of victims at
Majdanek.
Between May and September 1942, 2,849 of them died in the camp because
of the appalling conditions,
hard work, cruelty of the SS-men and a typhus epidemic. The latter was the cause of frequent "selections" in
August and September 1942. Shortly before the
Erntefest executions in
November 1943, of the entire
group of deported Jews from Slovakia, about 600 remained alive, most of them "privileged" prisoners.
The remaining Jews were distributed in a number of small towns and villages from which Polish Jews had
already been deported. Most of the 24,000 whose ultimate destination was
Sobibor were first sent to the ghettos in
Chelm, Rejowiec, Opole Lubelskie, Deblin and
Konskowola. After a few weeks they were sent to
Sobibor for
extermination. A small number of deportees were selected on the ramp at
Sobibor and directed to labour
camps such as
Krychow, Sawin or
Osowa. Within a few months they too were transported back to
Sobibor and
gassed. 5,000 initially sent to ghettos in
Lubartow,
Ostrow Lubelski, Miedzyrzec Podlaski, Lukow and
Firlej
were similarly re-transported to
Treblinka and murdered after a stay of several months.
Among the Jews who were deported from Slovakia to the
Lublin district were many highly educated people –
doctors, professors and engineers. Most of them were not prepared for the primitive conditions that were
prevalent in the small provincial towns of Eastern Poland. According to contemporary sources, there is much
evidence to suggest that many of them died in the ghettos, because of the conditions existing there. Most of them
did not know about the death camps, even those who were in the ghettos close to
Sobibor, such as
Rejowiec or
Chelm. There are also sources which state that among the deportees, there were
young people connected
with the Zionist movement who attempted to inform other Jews from Slovakia about the fate of these who had
already been deported to the
Lublin district. In the Moreshet archive (Israel), there is an original report sent in
1943 from a small work camp near
Sobibor, at which there still survived a group of the Slovakian Jews from three
transports that had arrived in
Rejowiec in
1942. The Slovakian Jews used their
contacts with the members of the
Polish underground for the forwarding of this report. The Polish underground also informed the Jewish organisation
in
Bratislava about the fate of the people who were in the ghettos in
Opole Lubelskie and
Deblin. Of more than
58,000 Slovak Jews deported to Poland in
1942, there were just 600-800 still alive
at the war’s end.
|
Camp Guards in Novaky * |
The deportations were carried out in Slovak trains by the Hlinka Guard and the
Freiwillige Schutzstaffel,
a volunteer detachment of
Volksdeutsche SS-men, who jointly guarded the trains up to the border with the
Generalgouvernement. At that point, the trains and their human cargo were handed over to the Germans,
who escorted the trains to their destinations.
In
May 1942,
Eichmann visited
Bratislava to inspect the progress of the deportations.
Some Jews were transported from the same departure points to the Slovak labour camps at
Novaky, Vyhne and
Sered. About 19,000 Jews – most of whom had certificates of exemption on the
grounds that they were essential
to the country's economy – remained in Slovakia. In addition, there were 3,500 Jews held in the three labour
camps. Nearly 10,000 Jews avoided deportation by fleeing to Hungary.
The deportations ceased quite abruptly in
October 1942. This was due in the
main to the efforts of an activist group
amongst the Jewish leadership in Slovakia. Named "The Committee of Six" and led by
Gisi Fleischmann, through a combination of intervention with government
and Catholic church officials, negotiations with the Nazis and bribery, they succeeded in halting the
deportations. The Vatican, too, had begun to express concern about the fate of the deported Jews, and began
to bring pressure to bear on
Tuka.
Whilst the self-serving nature of his evidence must be recognized, during his post-war interrogation at
Nuremberg,
Wisliceny had some interesting remarks to make concerning the first cycle
of deportations.
Wisliceny claimed that the initial deportation of 17,000
single men was destined for labour, both at
Auschwitz, where
Birkenau was in the course of construction, and in
the
Lublin district. In
May 1942, the Slovak
government had requested that the families of those initially
deported should also be sent to Poland, since their providers were in German hands. No arrangements had been
made for the transfer of funds back to Slovakia and the families were dependant on the Slovak government for
their maintenance. During
Eichmann’s visit to
Bratislava in
May 1942,
Wisliceny had accompanied him on a visit to
Mach and
Tuka, during the course of
which an undertaking had been given by
Eichmann that the Slovak Jews to
be deported would be sent to the
Lublin district (which most were) and that they would be employed in labour
camps (which most were not).
|
Alice and Hugo Elbert |
In
July 1942,
Tuka summoned
Wisliceny and
asked for an explanation regarding the fate of the Jewish
families sent to Poland. He was particularly concerned about those who had converted to Christianity, and requested
permission for a Slovak commission to travel to the areas occupied by the Jews in order to ascertain their well-being.
This outburst of concern on
Tuka’s behalf had largely been caused by the
diplomatic activities of the Papal Nuncio, Monsignore
Giuseppe Bursio.
The request was passed to the German embassy, which then dispatched
Wisliceny
to
Berlin for discussions with
Eichmann. The
transports were temporarily
halted until the problem was resolved.
Wisliceny claimed that he supported
the proposal. He also claimed to have pointed out that the Vatican had stated that the Slovak Jews were not
engaged in labour service but were being annihilated, and that the Slovak government had only agreed to the
deportation of Jews to Poland on condition that they were being treated humanely.
Eichmann said that a visit by a Slovak commission was impossible. When
pressed for a reason,
Eichmann evaded answering the question until, after
much delay, he informed
Wisliceny that
Himmler had ordered the extermination of all Jews. When
Wisliceny asked who was going to assume responsibility for this act, he
alleged that
Eichmann produced a written order signed by
Himmler and addressed to
Heydrich,
which stated words to the effect: "The
Führer has decided that the final disposition of the Jewish
question is to start immediately." The order was dated either
late April or
early May 1942. For the present,
Himmler had excluded from extermination those able-bodied Jews who were
capable of work.
On
2 June 1942, (somewhat earlier than the date suggested by
Wisliceny),
Eichmann fobbed off the Slovakian government with an indignant note: an
inspection visit had already been undertaken by the editor of an Ethnic German Newspaper, who had favourably
described conditions in the camps to which the Slovakian Jews had been sent. The rumours circulating in Slovakia
about the fate of the evacuated Jews were "fantastic" – the Slovak government had only look at the postal
communications these Jews were sending to Slovakia. The deportations began again.
|
Wisliceny * |
There is much that is inherently unbelievable in
Wisliceny’s story. He is
an unlikely humanitarian. He claimed to have no knowledge of the "Final Solution" until his interview with
Eichmann in
Berlin, which is preposterous.
Wisliceny was
Eichmann’s deputy in
department 1VB4 of the
Gestapo and had been responsible for organizing the Slovakian transports. Those
transports had temporarily ceased in the
summer of 1942 because
Wisliceny
had accepted a bribe of $40,000-50,000 which he passed to his superiors, and was negotiating for a further
$2 million-$3 million to save the remaining Jews of Europe (the so-called
Europa Plan). No copy of the
order from
Himmler that
Wisliceny
claimed to have seen has yet come to light, and its dating seems improbable – putting the activities of the
Einsatzgruppen since
June 1941 to one side,
Chelmno had been operating since
December 1941,
Belzec since
March 1942, and
Sobibor was in the course of construction by
April 1942. But amidst the lies and distortions,
there is perhaps a grain of truth in some of
Wisliceny’s evidence.
There followed a period of relative calm for the Jews of Slovakia, but with the outbreak of the Slovak National
Uprising on
28-29 August 1944, a second wave of round-ups and deportations began.
To quell the revolt,
Gottlob Berger, chief of the SS Main Office, was dispatched to Slovakia,
together with
Josef Witiska, as Commander of Security Police and
SD,
Slovakia and head of
Einsatzgruppe H. Assisting
Witiska was
Alois Brunner, who had been responsible for the deportation of Jews
from
Vienna, Salonika and France. In
late September,
Berger was succeeded by
Hermann Höfle, who brought in additional SS reinforcements,
including the notorious
Dirlewanger Brigade. The
Aktion Reinhard camps
had long since ceased operating and Himmler had ordered the killing facilities at
Auschwitz-Birkenau to be
demolished on
25 November 1944. Because of these factors, an unusually high number
of Jews from the second phase of deportations survived to the end of the war.
In
1945, the Republic of Czechoslovakia was resurrected, this time without
the addition of Subcarpathian Ruthenia.
The reborn Republic was to last until
July 1992, when Slovakia again declared
itself a sovereign state. During the
post-war period, the majority of Slovak Jewish survivors emigrated, most of them to Israel. Today, of a population
of 5.35 million in Slovakia (
2004), about 3,000 are Jews.
Of the principals involved in the murder of Slovakian Jews,
Tiso was tried
and executed in
1947,
Tuka was condemned to
death in
1946, but died in prison
and
Mach was sentenced to 30 years imprisonment. Having given evidence for
the prosecution before the International Military Tribunal at
Nuremberg,
Wisliceny
was extradited to Czechoslovakia, tried in
Bratislava and hanged in
1948.
Deportations of Slovakian Jews to the Lublin District.
The Central Database of Shoah Victims' Names
(Yad Vashem)
Photos:
GFH
*
USHMM
*
Sources:
1) Hilberg, Raul.
The Destruction of the European Jews, Yale University Press, New Haven, 2003
2) Arad, Yitzhak.
Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka - The Operation Reinhard Death Camps, Indiana
University Press, Bloomington and Indianapolis, 1987
3) Gutman, Israel. ed.
Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, Macmillan Publishing Company, New York, 1990
4) Gilbert, Martin.
Atlas of the Holocaust, William Morrow and Company Inc, New York, 1993
5) Wyman, David S. ed.
The World Reacts to The Holocaust, The John Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 1996
6) Overy, Richard.
Interrogations – The Nazi Elite in Allied Hands, 1945, Allen Lane, London, 2001
7) Niewyk, Donald L. ed.
Fresh Wounds – Early Narratives of Holocaust Survival, The University of
North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, 1998
8) Swiebocki, Henryk. ed.
London Has Been Informed…Reports by Auschwitz Escapees,
The Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum, Oswiecim, 1997
9) Vrba, Rudolf, Alan Bestic.
I Cannot Forgive, Regent College Publishing, Vancouver, 1997
10) Kielbon Janina.
Migracje ludno?ci w dystrykcie lubelskim w latach 1939-1944 (Migrations of the
People in Lublin District). Lublin, 1995.
© ARC 2005